A diverse menu, but nothing appeals

CHELSEA, QUE.—After years on the fringes of every consequential election in this country—regarded as a joke at best, a sad commentary on politics at worst—perhaps the moment has finally come for “none-of-the-above." With the “serious” candidates deeply unacceptable to significant segments of the electorate, with the profoundly unlikeable Pierre Poilievre actually leading in the polls, and the limp Jagmeet Singh becoming less likeable by the day, where is the disheartened progressive—or even just the voter seeking civility—to turn? To the prime minister, presumably. But Justin Trudeau is even more despised than Poilievre, although for different reasons. He doesn’t inspire rage so much as ennui in many quarters. But the people who do dislike him do so fervently. The venom is puzzling to those who don’t share it: yes, the prime minister sounds tediously rehearsed, overly fond of the sound of his own voice, and is often cloyingly virtuous. On the other hand, he handles himself with dignity on the world stage, and is still earnestly evangelical—as he was on Stephen Colbert’s show last week—about the liberal values he, and many Canadians, hold dear. Say what you will, his is not the grudge-based politics so rampant these days. Is it the lack of substantial follow-through, the overselling of modest initiatives, the seeming emptiness of his pose that rankles so many voters and accounts for his dismal polls? Is it that he has become boring after nearly 10 years? Probably, but surely there are worse traits. Making up childish nick-names for your opponents, retailing flat-out lies so often they become unremarkable; snideness, arrogance, incuriosity, an inability to ever acknowledge a doubt, or “lose” a conversation: those are all pretty off-putting. A head-spinning reversal on, arguably, the most pressing issue facing the country is another instant buzz-kill. Singh, lacklustre if inoffensive until recently, managed to abandon his party’s green pretensions, betray legions of NDP veterans, and remove his party from contention for many disillusioned Liberals by recently announcing his doubts about the federal carbon tax. It wasn’t only the carbon tax reversal that stung, of course—the tax is a modestly useful tool in reducing emissions and, arguably, as important symbolically, as practically. The real “sell-out” was Singh’s implicit endorsement of the lie that Poilievre has been pedalling relentlessly: that this single tax is, almost alone, fuelling inflation, driving up the cost of everything, and, that future increases will create a “nuclear winter," “mass hunger and malnutrition," with seniors forced “to turn the heat down to 14 or 13 C just to make it through winter.” The correct, sane, response to this kind of hyperbole is laughter, not tacit agreement. At the very least, Singh should know the majority of Canadian families are better off thanks to quarterly carbon rebates. And, if he had any kind of green consciousness—nowhere in evidence so far in his leadership—he would focus on the real problem with the carbon tax: governments have been too slow to provide green alternatives to consumers who want to reduce their carbon footprint, starting with an extensive EV-charging network, and less complicated incentives to adopt cleaner forms of heating for homes and businesses. The sooner Singh finds a soft landing in a Toronto law firm in favour of someone who actually shares NDP values, and cares about climate, the better. That antagonism will be particularly bitter if Singh helps vote down the Trudeau government, and delivers the country to Poilievre in coming months. And he thought the Liberals were bad! It will be curtains—or sharp curtailment—for the dental and pharma initiatives for which the NDP takes such extravagant credit. (The Jack Layton example is instructive: the former NDP leader refused to back Paul Martin and helped elect Stephen Harper in 2005, at the same time torpedoing the Kelowna Accord, which could have hastened Indigenous reconciliation, and killing a nascent national child care program.) Green Party Leader Elizabeth May, pictured July 9, 2024, is rightly esteemed for her honesty, common sense, and diligence, but she's also handicapped by the lack of a functioning political party. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade There are others names on the ballot along with “none of the above," of course. Green Party Leader Elizabeth May is rightly esteemed for her honesty, common sense, and diligence. She doesn’t personalize arguments over climate, foreign wars, or anything else. She sticks to the issues, cites verifiable facts to defend her position, and is always open to collaboration. You can see why she is entirely unsuitable to the moment, which, inconveniently, is also a treacherous moment for the planet and the climate. May is also handicapped by the lack of anything resembling a functioning political party. The Greens have made inroads in provincial legislatures, and have attracted talented individuals. But those names will only prompt blank stares for most federal voters; there is no sign, so far, that disillusionment with mainstream leaders, and parties, is helping the Greens. Bloc Québécois Leader Yves-François Blanchet, pictured on the Hill on Sept. 16, 2024. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade Citizens of Quebec, of course, have the Bloc Québécois and—but for one unfortunate glitch—leader Yves-François Blanchet could offer progressive Canadians—socially liberal, environmentally responsible—an appealing alternative. The glitch, of course, is that Blanchet has no particular interest in representing Canadians outside of Quebec. Indeed, he wants to take his province out of Canada, and that road, as we know, leads to ceaseless, unproductive, soul-searching. These are not mere impressions. Pollsters have been recording net negatives for all the party leaders for months. That means the people who don’t like them outnumber those who do, with Poilievre closest to breaking even, followed by Singh, and trailed by the prime minister. As Angus Reid reported back in April, “for the first time in 50 years, all three major leaders had net negative ratings of -12 or worse at the same time.” That could change, although a sudden wave of affection for any members of the current roster seems unlikely at this depressing juncture. Most voters will likely choose the least awful. Noses will be held. Some will stay home. Others will muse fondly about an 11th-hour dark horse entering the race—Manitoba’s still popular and politically adroit premier, Wab Kinew, perhaps, or the widely admired former Alberta NDP leader Rachel Notley. Mark Carney? Is he still a thing? Certainly, appealing candidates do exist outside of Ottawa. The Liberal leader in New Brunswick Susan Holt, for instance, has run a disciplined, content-rich campaign, and visited every hospital, school board, town festival and small-town diner in the province in recent months. Hers is a positive vision, and it may yet prevail on Oct. 21 when New Brunswickers go to the polls. If Holt defeats one of the grumpiest conservatives in the country, Premier Blaine Higgs, her victory will brighten the political scene generally. The ideal prime minister, of course, would be someone with no political baggage, no embarrassing internet history, no ideological quirks, possessed of razor-sharp debating skills, a disarming sense of humour and a warm heart. Indeed, it could it be someone currently operating under the radar: a familiar name, but underestimated, dismissed by opinion leaders, said to be difficult to work for, with no particular political victories to trumpet. Someone like Kamala Harris. Until then, or until we are forced to chose, “none-of-the-above” remains a formidable contender. Susan Riley is a veteran political columnist who writes regularly for The Hill Times. The Hill Times

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A diverse menu, but nothing appeals

The ideal prime minister would be someone with no political baggage, no embarrassing internet history, no ideological quirks, with razor-sharp debating skills, a sense of humour, and a warm heart.

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