Inside Russia at war

Author's note: In the interest of full disclosure, I paid all travel expenses to and from Moscow, while transport, logistics, and catering were provided at the Moscow Conference on International Security by the Russian organizers. I did not speak at the forum, nor submit a paper. My participation was limited to that of an observer. This piece was produced exclusively for The Hill Times. MOSCOW, RUSSIA—For the past three years, I have been invited to attend the Moscow Conference on International Security. However, due to the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021, followed by Russian President Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the logistics of attending this event were insurmountable. But, as the war in Ukraine enters its 18th month with no end in sight, I decided to act upon the offer of an entry visa to attend this year's conference as a delegate—if for no other reason than to garner a firsthand glimpse into how the Russian people are faring during this costly conflict in Ukraine. For the record, I did not have registered press credentials for my visit, as I was attending the Aug. 15 security conference based on my credentials as an author and filmmaker. Western media reports have highlighted that crippling sanctions imposed on Russia prior to and especially following Putin's invasion of Ukraine are wearing down public support for the Kremlin, and suggested the imminent collapse of the Russian ruble. But those predictions were made by western pundits in the first weeks of the war and yet, to date, it would seem that these eventualities have not come to pass. Furthermore, based on the media reports we receive in the West, it would seem incomprehensible the average Russian would still be either supportive or even ambivalent about Putin's bloody armed foray into Ukraine. Getting into Moscow While most NATO and European countries have banned flights to Russia as a result of the war, Turkish Airlines still operates several flights a day to a number of Russian cities. Even though Turkey is a NATO member, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has maintained a more neutral diplomatic stance throughout the conflict. This position has allowed Erdoğan to broker both the Ukraine grain export deal and, more recently, several high-profile prisoner exchanges between Russia and Ukraine. In more pragmatic terms, this neutrality allows Turkey to continue to open its doors to the hordes of Russian tourists who still flow into the Black Sea beach resorts. Despite more than 18 months of 'crippling sanctions' there was no scarcity of food or consumer goods throughout Moscow, as evidenced by this generous mixed grill served at a local restaurant. Photograph courtesy of Scott Taylor My flight path took me through Istanbul, and to avoid flying over the conflict lines, we flew a very circuitous route via western Ukraine and north to the Lithuanian border before altering course into Moscow. While over western Ukraine airspace, we were flying at a noticeably very low altitude, presumably as part of some authorized safe-fly corridor. Upon arrival at Vnukovo International Airport, I expected to face some delays in their border guards processing a Canadian passport. However, unlike my previous trip into Russia in 2008, there was no special customs declaration or interview with an intelligence officer. Vnukovo is a very modern airport, and while the smallest of Moscow's three international airports, it was also eerily vacant, as it seems only Turkish Airlines is still using the facility, with the exception of a few small Russian domestic carriers. First impressions I arrived early in the morning on Aug. 13, and I was not expected to register for the conference until 3 p.m. As such, I was on my own to explore Moscow's central core. After exchanging money from American dollars to rubles, I can confirm that while the Russian currency may be slightly devalued, it has in no way collapsed. The exchange bank was in a shopping mall and it was immediately clear that the so-called “crippling sanctions” haven’t yet had an impact on consumer goods. Store shelves were fully stocked with brand-name products, albeit with minimal attempts to “Russiphy” the outlets. For instance, the Levis jeans store is now branded “JNS,” but the clothing still is adorned with the iconic red “Levis” tags on the pocket. While the McDonald's fast food brand has been changed to 'Tasty, Period' throughout Russia, it seemed that Burger King's signage being in Cyrillic was enough to satisfy the sanctions. Photograph courtesy of Scott Taylor The former McDonald's outlets are now re-named “Tasty, Period” (in Cyrillic script). The logo is a red hamburger patty (circle) with two yellow French fries. However, the supply chain that was established when they were McDonald's franchises means that even a serious Mickey D’s aficionado would be hard-pressed to taste the difference. The preponderance of Burger King outlets strewn all across Moscow made no attempt to disguise their former brand as the lettering is already in Cyrillic script. As for the overall mood of the Muscovites, this was a typical mid-summer holiday Sunday. Cruise ships of all shapes and sizes planed along the Moscow River, and they were packed to the brim with families and tourists. Security The streets of central Moscow remain blissfully insulated from the war in Ukraine. Tourists from all across Russia still flock to landmark attractions, like St. Basil's cathedral in Red Square. Photograph courtesy of Scott Taylor One of the first things I noticed was that, throughout Moscow, there was no enhanced security of any kind. There were no police checkpoints or increased presence at pedestrian chokepoints like the subway entrances. There were a few recruiting posters for the various Russian military forces scattered along the major thoroughfares, but noticeably absent from the streets was the presence of anyone in military uniform. One would see a stronger uniformed military density on the streets of Ottawa on any given weekday. This would appear to be part of a deliberate Kremlin campaign to keep the public profile of the war to a minimum. While newscasts do provide updates on the fighting in Ukraine, the coverage of the war is not something omnipresent in public spaces. In another surprising “business-as-usual” demonstration, I was amazed at how light the security was when our group of conference delegates were given a tour of the Kremlin. Other than a cursory bag search similar to what one might expect at a Canadian sports event or music concert, there was virtually no screening prior to being granted access to the Russian seat of power. This at a time when Ukraine has launched a drone attack against this same Kremlin, and Ukrainian marines have recently launched long-range raids into Crimea. There was no visible military presence at the Kremlin, and only a handful of security guards on duty. The tour itself was a history lesson with a distinctly martial flavour. It was pointed out that then-French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte had slept in one of the buildings during his brief occupation of Moscow in 1812. That was, of course, just prior to his disastrous winter retreat, which saw the destruction of Napoleon's Grande Armée. Russian history Also on the agenda for delegates was a visit to the Victory Museum. This sprawling facility is dedicated entirely to commemorating the Soviet Union's Great Patriotic War, a.k.a. the Second World War. The displays are extremely graphic and are comprised of a state-of-the-art combination of three-dimensional objects, artwork, and video images. A tremendous amount of money has been invested in this museum, and it illustrates how much the suffering of the Russian people during that war continues to permeate the mindset of their population to date. To get an idea of the scale of this museum complex, our tour spent three hours traversing just one of the facility's four floors. This is a must-see for Russian schoolchildren, and military officer cadets conduct their graduation parades outside near the museum's war memorial. The Great Patriotic War claimed the lives of some 27 million Soviets—both soldiers and civilians—and it was fought largely on Soviet territory. The main theme of these exhibits is how much Russia and the Soviet Union suffered to achieve that victory. A tour of the Kremlin grounds included the massive cannon built by Peter the Great. Not evident was any sense of heightened security despite a recent Ukrainian drone attack against the Kremlin. Photograph courtesy of Scott Taylor This national mindset could go a long way towards explaining how the Kremlin is able to maintain a high level of support for what is still officially referred to as Putin's “Special Military Operation.” There are a minority of Russians who oppose the war, but that number is probably exceeded by those hardliners who would wish to pursue the war with a more intense vigour. The majority, it would seem, are content to trust in the information fed to them by official state media. Inside the conference The Moscow Conference on International Security was attended by a 'who's who' of nations on the United States' list of 'adversaries,' including a major general from North Korea. Photograph courtesy of Scott Taylor The Moscow Conference on International Security took place on Aug. 15 at Patriot Park, which is about an hour’s drive from the city centre. Symbolically, this military theme park is erected at the site where Adolf Hitler's invading forces were stopped short of Moscow in 1941. Coinciding with the conference was a defence trade show wherein Russia was showcasing its most modern weaponry for a host of potential international buyers. One of the so-called “highlights” of this year's army trade show was an exhibit that included NATO-provided armoured vehicles that had been captured from the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Those weapons included armoured vehicles such as the Swedish CV90, a French AMX-10, U.S. Humvees, an Australian Bushmaster, and an M777 howitzer. All in all, some 800 allegedly captured NATO-manufactured weapons were on display. The 'Army 2023' trade show included a display of weaponry supplied to Ukraine by foreign countries, which was allegedly captured by the Russian military. Clearly marked with the flag of Sweden is a CV-90 infantry fighting vehicle, centre. Photograph courtesy of the Russian Ministry of Defence While billed as an “international” conference, there were only a handful of delegates from either Europe or the Americas. Instead, the list of attendees read like a who's who on the American list of adversaries. In addition to the Russian hosts—including a video address from Putin and a personal appearance by Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu—the podium speakers consisted of high-ranking officials from China, Belarus, Syria, Iran, Nicaragua, Myanmar, Algeria, Venezuela, Cuba, Uganda, Mali, Burkino Faso, Sudan, Vietnam, and, believe it or not, North Korea. This conference predated the airplane crash which purportedly killed Yevgeny Prigozhin; however, a consistent theme from some African delegates present was high praise for the Wagner Group of mercenaries currently deployed into those African nations. It was extremely eye opening to observe this completely inverted multi-polar perspective to world events as compared to similar NATO-sponsored conferences where the U.S. is the self-appointed global policeman controlling all of these same “bad actors.” Themes and content aside, the Russian organizers were able to provide well-organized and well-catered logistics, despite the NATO sanctions. And while they may indeed seem strange, Russia still has a large number of bedfellows willing to buy their weapons and employ Russian mercenaries. That may not be the news that western leaders want to hear, but they would be foolish to ignore the truth. Scott Taylor is the editor and publisher of Esprit de Corps magazine. The Hill Times