Have they no shame? No, but they have excuses

CHELSEA, QUE.—We’ve witnessed quite the parade of ethically dubious behaviour by politicians in recent weeks, and how we've personally reacted to each offence has varied. That may partly explain why designing a coherent ethics code for those in public life, that is universally respected and unfailingly followed, has proven so difficult. Partly. Overall, we’re stuck with too much forgiveness—when it comes to wealthy, well-connected white men, especially—and not enough ethics. Not surprising, given that those making the rules and devising the penalties are the same people who are supposed to abide by them. Outgoing Toronto mayor John Tory’s revelation that he had an affair with a 31-year-old staffer provoked a widespread shudder of disgust, especially among women, even though there was no financial corruption at play. Ethics breach, or creepy behaviour? Beyond the public betrayal of his wife of 45 years, and the embarrassment visited upon his children and grandchildren, there was also the power imbalance at the root of the extra-marital affair. A 68-year-old man and a veteran politician should know better than to pursue an intimate relationship with a much younger employee, pandemic pressures or not. (Among the most pathetic of justifications.) That Tory would risk his reputation for probity, his blue-blood family’s illustrious name, his own standing in a city he says he loves—and end, or interrupt, a long career in so shabby a manner—still has the power to shock. That shock was compounded when he did the unexpected: after apologizing, he offered to resign. He followed through one week later, after pushing his conservative budget through city council last week. In some circles, condemnation soon turned to sympathy—for Tory, not for the people he hurt. Some colleagues on Toronto council implored him to reconsider. Veteran Ford-era councillor Frances Nunziata urged the mayor to take time off, wait for a city integrity commission report and then return. After all, Nunziata said, “it's not the first time (this kind of thing) has happened.” And, she added, “we don’t know who propositioned who," an Olympian example of victim-blaming. This is the “boys-will-be-boys” defence, which is violently unfashionable in the era of #MeToo, but, clearly, still ambient. Polls that no one will claim ownership of (and that no one can verify) suggest many Torontonians don’t want Tory to go. Ontario Premier Doug Ford, a former political rival, notably came to the mayor’s defence. “Let’s not upset the applecart,” the premier said, “for a personal issue he’s dealing with.” Ford’s fear, frankly stated, is that the business-friendly, homeless-indifferent Tory might be replaced by a “lefty mayor," and then, “God help the people of Toronto.” (It was first reported that Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland had also urged Tory not to leave, but her office later “clarified” her statement. It took her a few days to personally issue a tepid denial and intone, as only she can intone, that Tory had done the “right thing” in resigning.) Indeed, it soon emerged that the controversy, prompted by a Toronto Star story, was not so much about the mayor’s reckless personal behaviour as it was about the threat to right-wing control of city hall. Toronto’s still powerful Old Boys' Club wanted to ensure that Tory’s budget—more money for police, none for new warming centres for the homeless and a small property tax increase—passed. This was already pre-ordained, given the new “strong mayor” powers Ford granted to Toronto and Ottawa, but the business-class didn’t want delays. The budget passed at a raucous council meeting before Tory took his leave. “House the homeless, feed the poor, kick John Tory out the door," shouted protesters, in a neat summation of the underlying issues. If anything gives Tory cover, it could be the arguably more serious controversy swirling around Ford, who is suspected of tipping-off developer friends—if not personally, then through the grapevine—before he suddenly announced that parts of the Greenbelt around Toronto are now open to suburban development. Adding further gravity to the charges, some of those same friends apparently attended a $150-a-ticket stag-and-doe fundraiser for Ford’s daughter at the family home in Etobicoke last summer. Ontario Premier Doug Ford, seen here in Ottawa on Feb. 7, 2023, is suspected of tipping off developer friends before he suddenly announced that parts of the Greenbelt around Toronto are now open to suburban development. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade Ford is furious at what he sees as an intrusion into his—and his daughter’s—personal lives. He ridiculed the notion that anyone could be bribed for $150 (although he wouldn’t say how much was raised and from whom, or if multiple tickets could be purchased.) When Ford first learned the media was asking questions, he asked Ontario’s integrity commissioner to look into the charges. The premier soon got the all clear. Commissioner David Wake mostly based his decision on Ford’s word that he didn’t personally draw up the guest list and that no business was discussed at the engagement party. Those raising questions didn’t have specific evidence of wrong-doing, said the commissioner—and his office certainly doesn’t have the resources—even if it had the inclination—to conduct a more thorough probe. So unless someone at the party sings, there will be no penalty for Ford—not even shame for having reversed his pre-election vow to defend the Greenbelt. Given the pitifully weak fines and penalties in most provincial-municipal-federal integrity regimes, shame is probably most serious consequence for political misbehaviour. But, in the wake of the Donald Trump era, shame appears to have lost currency among politicians of all ideological persuasions. Ford, for one, thinks he and his developer friends are being picked on and that his daughter and son-in-law have been horribly abused, just because the Fords are a big, fun-loving family with lots of friends and who host lots of parties. There are more investigations ongoing, however, including by the provincial auditor-general, and, if they turn up evidence that powerful developers got special treatment, voters may decide to impose a penalty themselves at the next election. Other offenders look like small-fry by comparison, but are equally shameless. International Trade Minister Mary Ng, for instance, recently flipped a communications contract worth $17,000 to her long-time friend Amanda Alvaro of Pomp&Circumstance, with no independent scrutiny. When she was caught, she issued a pro-forma apology and even blamed staff for not alerting her. This from someone who has worked the backrooms of Liberal politics for 20 years, is close to PMO chief Katie Telford, and has no credible excuse for not knowing ministerial conflict guidelines. International Trade Minister Mary Ng, seen here, recently flipped a communications contract worth $17,000 to a long-time friend with no independent scrutiny. When she was caught, she issued a pro-forma apology and blamed staff for not alerting her. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade The honourable thing (such a quaint notion) would have been for her to resign from cabinet, even temporarily, but, no, she continues in her job, consequence-free—and the prime minister is hardly in a position to insist, given his own ethical lapses over the years, ranging from the serious (SNC-Lavalin) to the selfish (the free holiday from the Aga Khan.) The latest case, involving Liberal MP and parliamentary secretary to Justin Trudeau, Greg Fergus, is, arguably, murkier. Fergus, former head of his party’s Black caucus, was chastised by outgoing federal ethics commissioner Mario Dion for writing a general letter in support of a fledgling multicultural francophone television station to the federal broadcast regulator, the CRTC. The rules state that MPs can appeal to quasi-tribunal bodies like the CRTC, on behalf of constituents, but parliamentary secretaries cannot. Fergus, a hard-working west Quebec MP, called his breach “embarrassing and out of character” and apologized, noting that he only wants “Black Canadians to see themselves reflected in Parliament.” He should have known the rules and followed them, but there was no financial motive involved and—unlike Ng—no brazen defence of his mistake. Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister and to the President of the Treasury Board Greg Fergus, seen here, was chastised by the ethics commissioner for writing a letter in support of a multicultural francophone television station to the CRTC. The rules state that MPs can appeal to quasi-tribunal bodies like the CRTC on behalf of constituents, but parliamentary secretaries cannot. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade Politicians are not all bottom-feeding sleazes out to feather their own nests, impress their wealthy friends and secure handsome retirement gigs from the people they helped enrich. In fact, any global comparison ranks Canada highly when it comes to corruption-free government. We can only conclude, however, that some of our elected members are simply too important—sometimes to powerful corporate interests, sometimes to a government’s progressive social agenda—to be penalized for ethical breaches that could end a lowly public servant’s career or, at least, merit a trip to the principal’s office. But, keep at it, integrity commissioners of the land! Just excuse us if we stop taking the whole circus seriously. Susan Riley is a veteran political columnist who writes regularly for The Hill Times. The Hill Times