In praise of Quebec, Canada’s climate leader

CHELSEA, QUE.—Many Canadians outside of Quebec have an uneasy relationship with the province: an ambivalence that tips occasionally into hostility. Controversial legislation like Bill 21, which prohibits the wearing of hijabs, turbans and kipas in many public service jobs— only the latest manifestation of the province’s eternal cultural anxiety—sounds sinister, even to Quebec’s champions beyond its borders. And a history of peevish, disdainful sovereigntist leaders (Bloc Québécois Leader Yves-François Blanchet is far from the worst) does not endear the country’s anglophone majority to what is sometimes condescendingly described as the spoiled child of Confederation. Unfortunately, this unwillingness, or inability, to understand the province’s complexity overlooks Quebec’s significant contributions to social progress in Canada—including a $10-day childcare program that is on the brink of becoming national, the earliest vaccine passports to be available during the pandemic and mandated pay increases for long-term care workers. At least as significant is Quebec’s leadership on climate change. In recent weeks, for instance, the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Quebec—the country’s second largest pension fund—announced that it is getting rid of its remaining oil and gas assets by the end of 2022. The divestment amounts to $4-billion worth of fossil fuel company shares, including those of some of the largest domestic players like Suncor Energy and Canadian Natural Resources Ltd. This decision represents only one per cent of the Caisse’s $390-billion portfolio, and continues the fund’s ongoing move away from oil and gas holdings. But it sends an important message to markets. And it comes with a promise to boost the Caisse’s holdings in renewables by 50 per cent, to $54-billion by 2025, and allocate $10-billion to help big industrial polluters, including the copper, steel, fertilizer and transportation sectors, reduce their carbon footprints. The Caisse was the first major Canadian pension fund to set net-zero targets two years ago, an example followed by the Ontario Teachers’ Pension Fund. In a country that is the world’s fourth largest provider of oil and gas, this is a radical and environmentally responsible initiative. A history of peevish, disdainful sovereigntist leaders, Bloc Québécois Leader Yves-François Blanchet is far from the worst, pictured, does not endear the country’s anglophone majority to what is sometimes condescendingly described as the spoiled child of Confederation, writes Susan Riley. The Hill Times photograph by Sam Garcia A second bit of good news came last week when Hydro-Québec, the publicly owned giant utility, announced a tentative deal to provide clean electricity to New York City and surrounds for 25 years—a deal that is expected to bring $20-billion to provincial coffers and follows a similar export deal with the state of Massachusetts. Hailed by Quebec Premier François Legault as “the biggest export agreement in the history of Quebec," the sale is a logical fit: Quebec has a surplus of clean electricity, while nearby U.S. states are under political and economic pressure to cut emissions by moving away from coal-generated electricity. Despite this success, most Canadians still think of oil when they consider energy exports—and, for good reason. For decades oilsands exports fuelled an economic boom not only in Alberta, but throughout the entire economy. Those days are waning, however, while the political, business and media environment hasn’t quite caught up to a changing resource economy. Because of its abundant and affordable electrical energy—and generous government incentives—Quebec is leading the transition to electric vehicles, just behind lower mainland B.C. and California. Overall market penetration remains low—less than five per cent of cars sold are zero or low emission, according to recent figures. But 46 per cent of those cars are sold in Quebec Not co-incidentally, the province also has the most generous incentives for consumers: an $8,000 rebate on a new EV, on top of the $5,000 federal rebate; $4,000 for used electric cars, the only such rebate in the country; and a $600 refund for anyone who installs a $1,000 residential charger. Obstacles to transition remain, notably insufficient plug-in sites, especially for those who park in the street. But both provincial and federal governments are promising more EV infrastructure in coming years. Finally, Quebec has also poured money (with federal assistance) into the manufacture of electric vehicles and Quebec-based Lion Electric Co., which builds electric trucks and school buses in St. Jerome and Illinois, and has recently signed contracts with Amazon, Ikea, Sobeys and major school districts in the U.S. The province has a business-friendly premier in former airline executive François Legault, but, under pressure from voters, Legault has opposed the Energy East pipeline which would have carried Alberta oil and gas to eastern ports and a natural gas pipeline and LNG plant to have been built in Saguenay. Natural gas from fracking operations in Alberta and B.C. would have been liquified, then shipped by tanker to the Atlantic and beyond, a $14-billion investment that Legault first supported then opposed on environmental grounds. None of this means Quebec’s green politics are solely motivated by altruism. It has no significant oil reserves and is blessed with abundant hydro power. So are many other provinces, including Alberta. But previous Quebec leaders, including former premier Robert Bourassa, championed the massive James Bay hydro development in the 70s, which led to today’s lucrative export trade. That work, of course, also flooded massive areas of indigenous lands, re-routed nine rivers, destroyed landscapes, killed off caribou and disrupted lives; no massive energy project is environmentally benign. But, arguably, the threat posed today by greenhouse gas emissions is worse. As to the debate within Quebec over the existence of systemic racism, a recent Léger poll discloses that 66 per cent of Quebecers believe it exists no matter what the premier says. That compares to 67 per cent in the rest of Canada, so no great difference in attitudes. As well, there is opposition to further oil and gas development within Alberta, just as there is opposition to Bill 21 within Quebec. Neither province fits all the stereotypes. The crucial thing is to be curious, rather than quick to judge, to look beyond the politicians (on all sides) who exploit and inflate regional resentments for their own ends. Susan Riley is a veteran political columnist who writes regularly for The Hill Times. The Hill Times