Anti-Semitism and Islamophobia: mirror images?

Some recent demonstrations over Israel and Gaza included anti-Semitic and Islamophobic speech and symbols. While anti-Semitism and Islamophobia are both forms of hatred and intolerance, some precision may help understand what is acceptable and what is not. Seeing a Jew or Muslim as ‘the other,’ discriminating against them, distrusting their loyalty to Canada, or viewing them as part of an international conspiracy (e.g., Elders of Zion, Islamic Caliphate) are examples. While Canadian Jews were discriminated against in the past (e.g., university quotas), now relatively few are low-income, reflecting successful integration. In contrast, more Muslim Canadians are low-income, reflecting discrimination and integration challenges. Jews and Muslims display a diversity of ethnicities, views and behaviours, ranging from more traditional to more secular. There is lower favourability of Muslims than Jews in Canada, particularly in Quebec. Both have been accused of dual loyalties. Canadian Jews expressing unconditional support for Israel or who serve in the Israel Defence Forces (IDF), or Canadian Muslims who advocate Sharia (Islamic law) or participate in jihadist-type activities, can raise dual loyalty questions. Fighting abroad for Hamas or ISIS means fighting for non-Canadian values. Fighting for the IDF suggests a secondary loyalty to Canada (why not the Canadian Forces?) but is participation in a regular state army, with codes and values that provide checks on abuse. But such criticism is neither anti-Semitic or Islamophobic. Is criticism of Israel anti-Semitic? Yes, when framed in terms of ‘the Jews,’ and when Nazi symbols, Holocaust imagery and language are invoked. Questioning Israel’s legitimacy has anti-Semitic overtones, given the implications of acting upon such questioning. But criticism of Israeli policies is not anti-Semitic, whether with respect to Israel (e.g., Bedouin resettlement), the occupied territories (e.g. settlements) or civilian casualties in Gaza. Labelling Israel as an Apartheid State, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanction Campaign (BDS) have anti-Semitic overtones when applied to Israel. There are no racial mixing laws, Israeli Arabs have voting rights and are represented, albeit imperfectly, in a wide range of institutions. However, in the occupied territories, such labelling is not anti-Semitic and is a legitimate pressure tactic. Singling out Israel is not necessarily anti-Semitic. Israel is rightly held to a higher standard given the basis of its founding, democratic character, and membership in the OECD and the UN Western group. But an exclusive focus on Israel, ignoring other abuses, has anti-Semitic overtones. Holocaust denial and distortion is inherently anti-Semitic. What about criticism of Islam, Hamas and the Palestinians? Criticism of human rights in Muslim countries or within Muslim communities is not Islamophobic. Nor is criticism of Sharia or other practices justified in the name of Islam when these conflict with universal human rights. Debate over reasonable accommodation is part of normal democratic debate, as long as tone and language are appropriate. While not the same as Holocaust denial, dismissal of the Palestinian experience of expulsion and exile, the “naqba” (catastrophe), has some comparable aspects. Denying this historical reality and identity has strong anti-Palestinian connotations, as does denying their legitimate wish for a state of their own. Failing to understand the factors that led to Hamas and reinforced its control over Gaza blinds us to the inevitable “ghetto” reality of frustration and violence. None of this excuses Hamas, but understanding helps avoid repetition of previous mistakes. So how to respond to cries of anti-Semitism and Islamophobia? Start with recognizing that concerns over anti-Semitism and Islamophobia are legitimate. Both touch identity, reflect respective histories, and have basis in fact. Acknowledge both the Israeli and Palestinian narratives. Denying either is inherently anti-Semitic or Islamophobic, unless particular care is taken with language used. Understand that both communities contain people with a range of views. Although we may not hear the diversity, the loudest voices are not the only ones. Recognize the common “fear of the other” underlying anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, and other forms of hatred and intolerance. Appreciate the differences but understand the commonalities. Oppose labelling of all criticism of Israel as anti-Semitic and of all criticism of human rights in Islamic countries as Islamophobic, as these aim at shutting down, not encouraging, dialogue. “Moral clarity” provides an anchor for government messaging, but a more nuanced understanding of anti-Semitism, and acknowledgement of Islamophobia, is more appropriate. And for those demonstrating, a do’s and don’ts guide: Protest against the political entity (Israel, Hamas), not the religion or ethnicity (Jews, Muslims, Arabs). Never protest outside a mosque or synagogue. Find a neutral place (e.g. federal or provincial parliaments, city halls). Avoid any use of Nazi imagery and language (no ‘death to the Israelis/Arabs/Jews/Muslims’) language. No violence or threats of violence. Hard as it may be, try to understand the other side. Not necessarily to accept but to understand. Andrew Griffith is the author of Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias: Resetting Citizenship and Multiculturalism and is a regular media commentator and blogger (Multiculturalism Meanderings). He is the former Director General for Citizenship and Multiculturalism and has worked for a variety of government departments in Canada and abroad. An earlier version of this article was published by New Canadian Media. news@hilltimes.com The Hill Times

Anti-Semitism and Islamophobia: mirror images?

Concerns over anti-Semitism and Islamophobia are legitimate. Both touch identity, reflect respective histories, and have basis in fact.

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Anti-Semitism and Islamophobia: mirror images?

Concerns over anti-Semitism and Islamophobia are legitimate. Both touch identity, reflect respective histories, and have basis in fact.

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